Nineteenth-century America was not a libertarian utopia

But beyond the obvious fact that many Americans were not free–women and African-Americans, in particular–lies a deeper reality: Americans in the nineteenth century did not live without rules, regulations, and laws, and did not rely strictly on private contract and personal responsibility to conduct business or to handle social relations.

Underdetermination and the balance between religion and science

The Duhem-Quine thesis, when simplified, explains how a given set of facts can produce more than one apparently true conclusion: essentially, different background assumptions lead to different outcomes. A related concept is known as underdetermination: that a given set of evidence can be explained by more than one–potentially conflicting–theory. How does this impact the relationship between science and religion?

Objectivity, science, and (a)political action

Theodore M. Porter, in Trust in Numbers, argues that the American distrust of elites–and of government itself–has led to a focus on “mechanical objectivity,” or rules to make decisions. In many ways similar to what American jurists call “procedural due process,” the idea of to diminish the necessity of personal judgement in favor of predictable, “transparent” processes and thus lessen the number of disputes over the outcomes of a bureacratic decision.

Freedom to contract at the end of the nineteenth century

In Kermit Hall’s words, the nineteenth century saw the “triumph of contract” over property, tort, and equity, as the law came “to ratify those forms of inequality that the market system produces.” (196-97) The early twentieth century continued this–at least until the Great Depression and Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal forced the court to reconsider.

Contract law in the antebellum 19th century

The common law before the nineteenth century required contracts to be fair and reasonable: a “sound price warrants a sound commodity.” But by mid-century, William Wetmore Story’s famous treatise on contracts recognized that this basic understanding had radically altered. Contracts now required only “mutual assent of the parties” and “valuable consideration.”

Is everything old new again? Learning from the history of technology

Tim Wu argues that com­mu­ni­ca­tions tech­nolo­gies fol­low “the Cycle,” begin­ning as open sys­tems, only to be closed by cor­po­rate moguls – and then re-opening again as the Cycle starts anew after a new inno­va­tion emerges. Decherney, Ensmenger, and Yoo do not com­pletely reject Wu’s the­sis, but they do argue that Wu’s focus on indi­vid­ual actors neglects the com­plex­i­ties of other mar­ket play­ers (adver­tis­ers, for exam­ple), gov­ern­ment agen­cies, and other sup­ply– and demand-side actors.

If the Fourteenth Amendment didn’t exist, could Obama still be President? (Yes)

Periodically various lay people attempt to interpret the law in ways that fit their version of (un)reality. While I appreciate the mainstream media simply ignoring these people (in general), it can occasionally be educational to refute its points as if they were logical and rational. A good example of this is the lawsuit Gordon Warren Epperly filed in Alaska challenging President Obama’s inclusion on the 2012 presidential ballot. It shows a fuzzy grasp of the law, legal terminology, logic, and history (a little reading of case law is a dangerous thing!), but pointing out some of its flaws can help illustrate these concepts.

Protecting vested interests in the face of new technology: the case of the Charles River Bridge

New developments and new approaches had permitted a new corporation to build a new bridge at a lower cost–and to make it free within a few years of its opening, while still turning a profit for its investors. But in doing so, the profit-making potential of the old bridge was destroyed (although investors had already made back their initial investment multiple times over).

But hadn’t the old company taken a risk initially? Didn’t its investors deserve to reap their new profits because they had taken the risk initially? Wouldn’t setting a precedent that their state-granted monopoly could be limited later actually inhibit future investment?